In the beginning, there was zoe: the indestructible force of life that exceeds any individuation. From zoe, liberal humanism hewed the subject – that fragile creature of finitude – and gave it supreme importance. But when the subject dies, life continues; what, then, are we to make of suicide?
Shildrick 8 (Margrit, Professor of Gender and Knowledge Production, TEMA Institute for Interdisciplinary Gender Studies, Linköping University, Former Professor of Gender Studies at Queen’s University Belfast, (Ph.D Warwick, M.Sc. Liverpool) “Deciding on Death: Conventions and Contestations in the Context of Disability” Bioethical Inquiry (2008) 5:209–219 DOI 10.1007/s11673-007-9074-1

My point is that all that has so . . . . ([36], p. 8)

We are always already committing suicide – not from terminal illness or an excess of suffering, but because it is in our nature to die. PAS is a mode through which we style our deaths in a manner that affirm zoe – it marks a virtual potential that can disintegrate all notions of the subject as such.
Braidotti 9 (Rosi, Distinguished Professor in the Humanities at Utrecht University in the Netherlands, founding director of the Centre for the Humanities at Utrecht University and Honorary Visiting Professor in the Law School of Birkbeck College, University of London “Locating Deleuze’s Eco-Philosophy between Bio/Zoe-Power and Necro-Politics” in Deleuze and Law: Forensic Futures, ed. C. Colebrook, R. Braidotti & P. Hanafin, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, pg. 107-109

Life is cosmic energy, simultaneously empty chaos . . . are non-essentialistic brands of vitalism.

The figure who demands PAS as a right represents the ultimate challenge to a legal order bent on death control. The affirmative is the invention of a jurisprudence that calls this right into being.
Hanafin 9 (Patrick, Professor of Law at Birkbeck College, University of London, UK. He has been a visiting professor at the School of Law at the University of Porto, Portugal, and at the Law Faculty at the University of Pretoria in South Africa. He has held research fellowships at the European University Institute in Florence and at the Human Rights Program at Harvard Law School, “Rights of Passage: Law and the Biopolitics of Dying” Deleuze and Law: Forensic Futures, London: Palgrave Macmillan Ed. R. Braidotti, C. Colebrook, P. Hanafin, pg. 47-57

The figure who refuses is a particularly troubling . . . Tripodina, 2001, p. 1727).

This politics of radical and vital affirmation is necessary to interrupt the contemporary necro-political condition that makes extinction inevitable.
Braidotti 13 (Rosi, holds Italian and Australian citizenship, was born in Italy and grew up in Australia, where she received degrees from the Australian National University in Canberra in 1977 and was awarded the University Medal in Philosophy and the University Tillyard prize. Braidotti then moved on to do her doctoral work at the Sorbonne, where she received her degree in philosophy in 1981. She has taught at the University of Utrecht in the Netherlands since 1988, when she was appointed as the founding professor in women's studies.[1] In 1995 she became the founding Director of the Netherlands research school of Women's Studies, a position she held till 2005. Braidotti is a pioneer in European Women's Studies: she founded the inter-university SOCRATES network NOISE and the Thematic Network for Women's Studies ATHENA, which she directed till 2005. She was a Leverhulme Trust Visiting Professor at Birkbeck College in 2005-6; a Jean Monnet professor at the European University Institute in Florence in 2002-3 and a fellow in the school of Social Science at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton in 1994. Braidotti is currently Distinguished University Professor at Utrecht University and founding Director of the Centre for the Humanities, onored with a Royal Knighthood from Queen Beatrix of the Netherlands; in August 2006 she received the University Medal from the University of Lodz in Poland and she was awarded an Honorary Degree in Philosophy from Helsinki University in May 2007. In 2009, she was elected Honorary Fellow of the Australian Academy of the Humanities. Since 2009 she is a board member of Consortium of Humanities Centre and Institutes, The Posthuman Malden: polity, pg. 110-141

This chapter deals with the multi-layered . . . expansion of new 'studies' areas in chapter 4. [Braidiotti continues . . . ] Speaking from the position of an embodied and embedded female subject, capable of reproducing the future … this on-going engagement with the political accountability of posthuman subjectivity.

Thus the plan: The United States should legalize physician-assisted suicide.

The plan is an act of law-as-creation, the inauguration of a new world that makes radical change possible. Our becoming-democratic is a affirmative practice of jurisprudence that can reclaim the failures of actually-existingdemocracy
Bogue 12 (Ronald, Distinguished Research Professor and Josiah Meigs Distinguished Teaching Professor of Comparative Literature at the University of Georgia, “Nature, Law and Chaosmopolitanism” in Revisiting Normativity with Deleuze Ed. R. Braidotti and P. Pisters London: Bloomsbury, pg. 107-112

Finally, if Deleuze-Guattari's politics can . . . task of fashioning a genuinely democratic political order.

The legalization of PAS shifts the coordinates of medicalization and the life/death distinction – this act is fragile, but so is every emergent clamor for rights. Evaluate this debate not on the immediate effects of implementation but on the tantalizing possibilities that our new right creates.
Honig 8 (Bonnie Honig is Nancy Duke Lewis Professor in the departments of Modern Culture and Media (MCM) and Political Science, 2008, “The Time of Rights: Emergent Thoughts in an Emergency Setting” in The New Pluralism: William Connolly and the Contemporary Global Condition, kindle

Connolly’s politics of becoming brings together critical responsiveness . . . Well, when one is doing philosophy.47

The abstract machine of faciality continually threatens to reduce identity to dyads: either an antagonistic position towards structures of oppression and other individuals surrounding us or the re-invocation of static, ossified categories. The topic invites both a historical, self-reflexive examination of the diverse modalities of oppression and a simultaneous affirmation of becoming. The modern prostitution regime gained power from the image of the seductive Asian man threatening the purity of white European womanhood while at the same time allowing large numbers of Chinese women so long as they remained prostitutes. Weed restrictions drew upon the rhetorical economy of the Chinese opium scare but combined this with a new xenophobia framed around a Mexican invasion, creating new regimes of violence. Militarism expands through fears of the “rise of China.” These contingent historical moments become sedimented through repetitions and reaffirmations, employed against other groups – Black Americans, East Asian migrants – in novel ways. Michael’s family immigrated to the United States from China and he is marked in the American racial code as foreign and Other. Within the dominant regimes of racialization he’s still, so they say, doing quite well. The long history of racial and sexual oppression in America makes it obvious that this isn’t true—brutal disposability of Chinese workers, Chinese Exclusion, and the murder of Vincent Chin, the myth of the “model minority” coexists with a violent suspicion of Asian otherness. Facialty operates by defining identity positions in terms of their deviance from the white heterosexual male. This process of demarcation is the condition of possibility for identitarian violence.
Saldanha ‘7 /Arun, Associate Professor, Department of Geography, Environment, and Society, University of Minnesota and Senior Lecturer of Social Sustainability at Lancaster Environment Centre, Lancaster University, Psychedelic White: Goa Trance and the Viscosity of Race, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, pg.194-196/

My disagreement is not with Fanon’s and Martín . . . countered with a Hegelian sublation into the universal.

Vote affirmative to activate this space as site of becoming. This regime maintains its position via the construction of synthetic opposition between staticized identity groups. Against this we must intensify the production of difference, by growing grass. Growing grass means affirming the multiplicity of identity. Identity should become multiple—where the tree of identitarian totality once stood, thousands of molecular identities should sprout.
Saldanha ‘6 /Arun, Associate Professor, Department of Geography, Environment, and Society, University of Minnesota and Senior Lecturer of Social Sustainability at Lancaster Environment Centre, Lancaster University, “Reontologising race: the machinic geography of phenotype”, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 2006, volume 24, pages 9-24, DOI:10.1068/d61j/

Every time phenotype makes … out what is keeping them from becoming actual.

Why should you affirm? Because critique and negativity are not the same thing. Melancholia and mourning have become the hallmarks of our context, and as a result critiques of domination have stalled. Affirmation is the only way out of a stifling paradox between negativity as critique and activating affect as a modality for change.
Bradiotti ‘9, (Rosi, Humanities, Utrecht, New Formations, Issue 68, Fall 2009)
This paper addresses a paradox: how to engage in … from the epistemological to the ontological turn in ¶ poststructuralist philosophy. ¶

Rather than viewing our affirmation as either the inscription of Michael’s scholarship into my white world, the production and performance of the 1AC juxtapose our hybridizing cis-male positionalities and ask about the possibilities this generates. This generative politics is the politics of becoming: a simultaneous recognition of the constitutive exclusion in our public acts and an attentiveness to the same. If there is any value to debate to begin with, it must start from the presupposition of non-exclusion
Braidotti ‘6 /Rosi, Utrecht University and Birkbeck College, “Affirmation versus Vulnerability: On Contemporary Ethical Debates” Symposium: Canadian Journal of Continental Philosophy, vol. 10, no. 1, Spring / Printemps 2006, pp 235-254/ The ethics of affirmation, with its … in the pursuit of change is a political act.

Why does the ballot matter? It is a site for debate becoming something different—in transfiguring the orthodoxy of debate as a series of dialectical exchanges premised on the logic of either/or, you can write debate as a site where affirmation produces new modes of becoming
Conway 10\\, Philosophy, CSU LA, 2010 (Jay, Gilles Deleuze: Affirmation in Philosophy)

How exactly does the phrase “the middle” secure the atmosphere of Deleuze’s … index of any reorganization of social life.

White supremacist polarizations continually threaten to reduce identity to dyads: either an antagonistic position towards structures of oppression and other individuals surrounding us or the re-invocation of static, ossified categories.
Michael Suo is from a Chinese family that immigrated to the United States. He is marked in the American racial code as foreign and Other. And yet within the logic that dominant regimes of racialization deploy he’s still, so they say, doing comparatively well.
The long history of racial oppression in America makes it obvious that this isn’t true—brutal disposability of Chinese workers, Chinese Exclusion, and the murder of Vincent Chin, the myth of the “model minority” coexists with a violent suspicion of Asian otherness. Prostitution restrictions emerged against the image of the seductive Asian man threatening the purity of white European womanhood. Weed restrictions drew upon the rhetorical economy of the Chinese opium scare but combined this with a new xenophobia framed around a Mexican invasion, creating new regimes of violence. These contingent historical moments become sedimented through repetitions and reaffirmations, employed against other groups – Black Americans, East Asian migrants – in novel ways

Discussion of race needs to stay as creative as the individuals who bear it. When it remains within a binary, all people of color will be stuck in a white supremacist system.
Alcoff ‘6 (Linda Martín Alcoff, Prof. of Philosophy at CUNY, Latinos, Asian Americans, and the Black‐White Binary, in Visible Identities: Race, Gender, and the Self, Oxford Scholarship Online) Similar to the Mexican Americans in Texas, . . . 1994; Prashad 2000; Wu 2002).

The silence bred by reducing racialization to simplicity allows conservative forces to divide and conquer – the model minority myth, the tale of the high-performing Asian who proves that social uplift is possible is a paradigmatic example of a liminal identity being redeployed as a weapon
Prashad 2 (Vijay Prashad, George and Martha Kellner Chair in South Asian History and Professor of International Studies, 2002, “Everybody Was Kung Fu Fighting,” pp. 40-46 The moral and political weight of the civil . . . content of their character’’ message than we suspect.

VOTE AFF TO AFFIRM A PEDAGOGY OF POLYCULTURALISM

Obliterating the strength that the black/white binary gives White Supremacy means neither embracing liberal/multicultural color-blindedness, nor advocating a primordial position of absolute difference between races. Instead it begins with an understanding of race for the complex phenomenon that it is
Prashad 2 (Vijay Prashad, George and Martha Kellner Chair in South Asian History and Professor of International Studies, 2002, “Everybody Was Kung Fu Fighting,” pp. 38-40) The problem of the twenty-first century. . . , values. But more on that later.

Authenticity should not be a justification for exclusion. Polycultural politics affirms the centrality of internal differentiation for any understanding of identity. If there is any value to debate to begin with, it must start from the presupposition of non-exclusion
Prashad 2 (Vijay Prashad, George and Martha Kellner Chair in South Asian History and Professor of International Studies, 2002, “Everybody Was Kung Fu Fighting,” pp. 64-69) Disenfranchised by white supremacy, many people of . . . is indeed in some way equal.136

Growing grass means affirming the multiplicity of identity. Identity should become multiple—where the tree of identitarian totality once stood, thousands of molecular identities should sprout.
Saldanha ‘6 /Arun, Associate Professor, Department of Geography, Environment, and Society, University of Minnesota and Senior Lecturer of Social Sustainability at Lancaster Environment Centre, Lancaster University, “Reontologising race: the machinic geography of phenotype”, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 2006, volume 24, pages 9-24, DOI:10.1068/d61j/ Every time phenotype makes another machinic …. is keeping them from becoming actual.

Why should you affirm? Because critique and negativity are not the same thing. Melancholia and mourning have become the hallmarks of our context, and as a result critiques of domination have stalled. Affirmation is the only way out of a stifling paradox between negativity as critique and activating affect as a modality for change.
Bradiotti, Humanities, Utrecht, 2009 (Rosi, New Formations, Issue 68, Fall 2009) This paper addresses a paradox: how to engage in … ¶ poststructuralist philosophy. ¶

The spectre haunting politics is power – in an era where the state has become predatory and the populace disillusioned, we must ask the question of a politics without party and a power beyond the state
Newman 10 (Saul Newman, Professor of Political Theory at the University of London at Goldsmiths, 2010, “The Politics of Postanarchism,” pub. Edinburgh University Press, pp. 104-107

We observe a similar silence about anarchism in . . . with a more consistent ethical and political framework.

The resolution asks us to bring a set of practices into the law, sustaining the omnivorous nature of state power while simultaneously obscuring it. We reject this juridico-sovereign dialectic of prohibition and legalization. Ours is a politics of an-arche – the withering away of any first principle that can govern our existence. The 1AC is an immanent, agonistic contestation of the law; an unruly space of resistance carved from its very heart.
Newman 12 (Saul Newman, Professor of Political Theory, Goldsmiths, University of London, “Anarchism and Law: Towards a Post-Anarchist Ethics of Disobedience,” Griffith Law Review (2012) Vol. 21 No. 2

I do not want by any means to . . . political philosophy most closely aligned with justice.

Voting aff is an endorsement of the creation of a space beyond the law. Faced with the injunction to be technicians refining the machinery of power, we instead desert our role, an exodus that asserts our power to legalize whatever practices we desire.
Noterman and Pusey 12 (Elsa Noterman is Program Associate at the Community Strategies Group of the Aspen Insitute, Andre Pusey is a PhD candidate in the School of Geography at the University of Leeds, UK, “Inside, Outside, and on the Edge of the Academy: Experiments in Radical Pedagogies” in Anarchist Pedagogies: Collective Action, Theories, and Critical Reflections on Education, pp. 192-194

So, how do we build this new . . . , while rediscovering the subversiveness of teaching.

Liberalism tries to seize control of the state and direct the flow of history; a suturing of the subject infected by the possibility for fascism. Against this we affirm an anarchy of becoming – a micropolitical reconfiguration of the subject that shatters the possibility of domination
Call 2 (Lewis Call, Associate Professor of History at Cal Poly in San Luis Obispo, 2002, Postmodern Anarchism. Lexington: Lexington Books, pp. 47-56

But the usual suspects have another, much . . . all fixed politics, economics, and culture.

Politics that does not begin with the creation of the self is doomed to reactivity and ressentiment. This inscribes hatred into the place of power, reaffirming existing structures of domination.
Newman 2k (Saul Newman, Professor of Political Theory at the University of London at Goldsmiths, 2000, “Anarchism and the Politics of Ressentiment,” Theory and Event, 4:3

Ressentiment is diagnosed by Nietzsche as our modern . . . philosophies, like anarchism, that advocate it.
[Newman continues . . .]
Has anarchism as a political and social theory of revolution been invalidated because of the …, in other words, an anarchism without ressentiment.

Our act of playful self-creation ruptures the processes of political subjectivization that make liberal violence thinkable
Clifford 1 (Michael Clifford, associate professor of philosophy @ Mississippi State Univ, 2k1 [Political Genealogy after Foucault: Savage Identities, p. 144-146]

Foucault's genealogical analyses reveal that “the self is not given to us” – there is no essential identity around which discourse, power relations, and modes of subjectivation revolve, but rather the subject is an effect of their interplay. This recognition of the subject as historically contingent effect, rather than essential, metaphysical entity, leads Foucault to a Nietzschean conclusion, that “we have to create ourselves as a work of art.” 60 We have to become involved in an ongoing process of creative self-transformation, of self-overcoming, in a genuinely Nietzschean sense. Yet when Foucault says that we have to create ourselves, he is not expressing this as a moral demand; it is, rather, a description of our situation. Constituting ourselves as subjects is a creative endeavor that involves giving meaning – style – to our existence, whether we recognize it as such or not. And Foucault is also extending an invitation: he is inviting us to open a space of freedom for ourselves, a freedom that consists in affirming ourselves “as a creative force.” 61 In abandoning any notion of metaphysical essentiality or anthropological necessity regarding who and what we are, we are able to recognize the creative contribution of the subject in the process of his or her own self-formation. This recognition itself is a kind of liberation, a distancing from the processes of subjection and subjectivization, through which the power of a particular identity is suspended. In the affirmation, not of a discourse of truth about ourselves as “creative beings,” but of creative activity in and for itself, recognition is no longer a determination. Through this affirmation, identity becomes a game, in which the relationships we have to ourselves are not of unity and coherence, but of difference and creation. In this way subjectivity becomes, not a limitation, but an art. Perhaps all this sounds too playful for the serious business of politics. In fact, this is just the sort of play required to break through, to fracture, the most oppressive forms of political subjection. A whole range of social problems, from limitations on social opportunities to declarations of war, are in part attributable to processes of subjectivization. The constitution of a political identity for ourselves involves the appropriation of values and beliefs that commit us to certain practices-practices that have real political consequences. We alternately lament or praise such consequences with little or no sense that their source lies in part in the arbitrary appropriation or imposition of an identity. We condemn the persecution of minorities, for instance, but how often do we ever really question the endemic processes of differentiation and identification that divides human beings along line-limits-of race and gender? War is the most tragic of human dramas, we say, even when it is “necessary” to secure our liberty, but to what extent is this necessity tied to an arbitrary drawing of lines-limits-on a map, to the contingency of a national identity that marshals troops for its perpetuation? The bigot and the dictator are micro- and macro-symbols of our political subjection. We raise our opposition against them willingly, enthusiastically, thinking that freedom consists simply of overcoming their petty, or global, tyrannies. We never think to overcome a much finer, more pervasive, less violent but more pernicious, quotidian form of subjection; that is, we never think to overcome ourselves. Political subjectivity is played out every day in struggles of domination and submission. Real freedom, concrete freedom, consists in fracturing the political identities-our liberalism, our conservatism, our patriotism, our individualism-through which we are bound to, limited by, rationalities that make these struggles necessary. If we can come to recognize the optionality and lack of necessity of given forms of political subjectivity, we might have a point of departure for changing (overcoming) certain kinds of real political relations. If this sounds utopian or idealistic, we have only to consider that most if not all political conflict in this half-century can be understood as clashes of identity. Most political movements in the last forty years in the United States can be understood in these terms. 62 Such movements have been (to some degree) successful in upsetting certain entrenched political identifications that had been the basis of their subjection and domination. The resistance that such movements have raised against their subjection is predicated on a refusal of a subjectival conceptualization and its limitations. Moreover, we have seen evidence that such refusals have gained wider social acceptance; they increasingly infiltrate the social structure through institutionalization and demarginalization. Of course, there are backslidings and retrenchments on a fairly regular basis (consider recent legislation to ban gay marriages, or the platform statement of Southern Baptists that wives “submit graciously to the servant leadership of their husbands”). Still, in many instances the political battles over identity-women in the military as a policy (though, of course, in practice sexual harassment and discrimination are still very prevalent), for example-have at least lifted such movements from the shadows and given them an air of legitimacy.

The place of power is death.
Beres 94 (Louis Rene Beres, Ph.D., Princeton University. Professor of International Law, Department of Political Science, Purdue University, “Self-Determination, International Law and Survival on Planet Earth,” 11 Ariz. J. Int'l & Comp. L. 1 1994, Gender modified

To fulfill the expectations of a new global . . . that brings self-affirmation and safety.

The expulsion of death forms the nucleus of modern politics. Unable to come to terms with the symbolic reversibility of death, the system reduces life to mere industrial prolongation, encoding the conditions of possibility for all exclusion.
Robinson 12 (Andrew, Political Theorist, Activist Based in the UK and research fellow affiliated to the Centre for the Study of Social and Global Justice (CSSGJ), University of Nottingham, “Jean Baudrillard: The Rise of Capitalism & the Exclusion of Death”, March 30, http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/in-theory-baudrillard-2/ Symbolic exchange – or rather, its suppression . . . life or death serves the reproduction of domination.

This reversibility forms the substrate of our relationship to the world – the real now floats fragmented upon the map we constructed in its image. Our only recourse is to abandon knowledge in favor of a poetics of radical alterity; in a word: death.
Baudrillard 2k (Jean Baudrillard, 2000, The Vital Illusion, pp. 61-83

Murder of the Real: it sounds like . . . more unintelligible, even more enigmatic.

Organ transplantation is only made possible by this symbolic exchange between life and death – a unique site where reversibility manifests in the social world
Ben-David 5 (Orit Brawer Ben-David, Lecturer in Medical Sociology and Anthropology at Tel Aviv University, 2005, Organ Donation and Transplantation: Body Organs as an Exchangeable Socio-Cultural Resource, pp. xv-xvii

This book deals with life and death and . . . had realizable and socially legitimate interests.

The symbolic resonance of organ transplantation cannot be consumed and reappropriated by any rational system of thought – death remains an accursed share, disturbing the ontological certainty of the subject
Ben-David 5 (Orit Brawer Ben-David, Lecturer in Medical Sociology and Anthropology at Tel Aviv University, 2005, Organ Donation and Transplantation: Body Organs as an Exchangeable Socio-Cultural Resource, pp. 105-112

Sociologists and anthropologists, when dealing with the . . . dead body that can be used for transplants.

However, organ transplantation remains locked inside a semiotic system that divests it of its radical potential – its accursed share turned destructive. The system casts organ transplantation as an “altruistic” act to bracket it from an exchange relationship. Organs were always already for sale: it’s just that the price is death.

Rather than examine the so-called “gift of life,” we must endorse the reversibility of the exchange: vote affirmative to legalize the gift of death.
Scheper‐Hughes 2k (Nancy Scheper‐Hughes is Professor of Anthropology at the University of California, Berkeley, “The Global Traffic in Human Organs,” Current Anthropology, Vol. 41, No. 2, April 2000, DOI: 10.1086/300123

Death is, of course, another key . . . to the machine in today's intensive care units.

Death constitutes the irreducible horizon of power – the organ is the symbolic gift that the system can only receive by destroying itself
Baldwin 12 (Jon Baldwin, lecturer in Critical and Contextual Studies at London Metropolitan University, “Potlatch Politics – Baudrillard’s Gift,” The International Journal of Baudrillard Studies, Volume 9, Number 3 (October 2012)

“[A]nything that cannot be exchanged . . . may be” (Baudrillard 1993: 38).

The 1AC is an act of affirmative nihilism – not an act of revolutionary purification, but of joyful simulation. The gift of death confronts the system with its limit, passing beyond the law while laughing at its carcass
Call 2 (Lewis Call, Associate Professor of History at Cal Poly in San Luis Obispo, 2002, Postmodern Anarchism. Lexington: Lexington Books, pp. 104-113

But if this is really Baudrillard’s position, . . . drives crash. And even signs must burn.

Call for fairness produces life-denying ossification of debate
Grimm 77 (Ruediger Hermann, art historian and Goethe scholar, Nietzsche's Theory of Knowledge, ed. M. Montinari, W. Miiller-Lauter & H. Wenzel, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, pg. 30-33, Gender modified

Western logic and metaphysics have been traditionally founded . . . , als ein Kampf . . .0 0

The proliferation of meaning and consciousness raising rely on a fantasy of communication which imlodes under its own wieght. More knowledge does not change reality.
Baudrillard 2000 /http://www.egs.edu/faculty/jean-baudrillard/articles/simulacra-and-simulations-viii-the-implosion-of-meaning-in-the-media/ We live in a world where there . . . and regeneration of meaning and of speech.

Idea that subjects should be maximally reciprocal destroys the possibility for individual value
Robinson 12 (Andrew, Political Theorist, Activist Based in the UK and research fellow affiliated to the Centre for the Study of Social and Global Justice (CSSGJ), University of Nottingham, April 14, 2012, “Jean Baudrillard: Critique of Alienation – Draft 1,” http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/in-theory-baudrillard-3/

Baudrillard also sees communication and sociality being corrupted . . . instead using them as inducements to conformity.

Communication denies singularity.
Baudrillard 9 (Jean, Dead frenchy currently teaching at the EGS, formerly Professor Emeritus at the Université de Paris X, Nanterre “The Vanishing Point of Communication” in Jean Baudrillard: Fatal Theories, Edited by David B. Clarke, Marcus A. Doel, William Merrin and Richard G. SmithThis text is based on a transcript of a lecture delivered in English by Jean Baudrillard to the Department of Social Sciences, Loughborough University, UK, New York:Routledge, pg. 15-23

Everything about communication seems to have been said. . . the interface, of contiguity and networks.

Call for fairness produces life-denying ossification of debate
Grimm 77 (Ruediger Hermann, art historian and Goethe scholar, Nietzsche's Theory of Knowledge, ed. M. Montinari, W. Miiller-Lauter & H. Wenzel, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, pg. 30-33, Gender modified

Western logic and metaphysics have been traditionally founded . . . als ein Kampf . . .0 0

Policy debate is fake
Claude 1988 (Inis, Professor of Government and Foreign Affairs, University of Virginia, States and the Global System, pages 18-20) This view of the state as an institutional . . . them–and that they sometimes claim.

Politics is disappearing – the acceleration of social temporality has been matched by the emergence of pure war: a cult that denies democracy in favor of fascistic messianism
Hutchings 8 (Kimberly Hutchings, Professor and Department Head of International Relations at the London School of Economics and Political Science, 2008, “Apocalyptic times” in Time and world politics: thinking the present, Manchester University Press)

Modernist narratives of the development of world politics . . . the former might control or direct the latter.

This acceleration has eroded the very conditions of possibility for liberal democracy – the traditional mechanisms of civic life have been rendered obsolete by the instability of time itself
Scheuerman 1 (William E. Scheuerman, professor of political science at the University of Minnesota. “Liberal Democracy and the Empire of Speed.” Polity, Vol. 34, No. 1 (Autumn, 2001), pp. 41-67

II. The Space and Time Horizons of . . . between past and future is eerily reduced.67

In this uncertain, high-speed world, liberal democracy has sold its soul to maintain the relevance of its political body – we imbue the executive with ever greater authority to maintain stability in face of nebulous threats
Glezos 11 (Simon Glezos, Lecturer of Political Science at the University of Victoria, British Columbia, “The ticking bomb: Speed, liberalism and ressentiment against the future”, Contemporary Political Theory 10.2 (May 2011): 147-165. doi:10.1057/cpt.2010.6

This article uses the 'Ticking Bomb Scenario' as . . . when things do reach such a terminal velocity.

But in our struggle to find stability, we replace the executive with the bedrock of technology itself, a totalitarian robot that embodies our obsession with speed and our desire to harness it
Adams 3 (Jason Adams, M.A. candidate in political science at Simon Fraser University, 2003, “Popular Defense in the Empire of Speed: Paul Virilio and the Phenomenology of the Political Body,” Thesis, http://www.academia.edu/attachments/2058093/download_file

As we saw in the last chapter, . . . transformation is being enforced on a global scale.

Cyberwar is the apotheosis of this quest for control – the locus of our deterrent is transferred from the atom to the electron, fulfilling our dreams of instantaneous and absolute response. With the culmination of pure war comes the specter of the integral accident: global in scope and generalized in nature
Virilio 6 (Paul Virilio. 2006. The Information Bomb. pp. 131-145

With the end of the twentieth century, . . . held in suspension in the ether of telecommunications.

This new stage of politics creates first a global concentration camp, then nuclear annihilation – all in the name of Progress
Hutchings 8 (Kimberly Hutchings, Professor and Department Head of International Relations at the London School of Economics and Political Science, 2008, “Apocalyptic times” in Time and world politics: thinking the present, Manchester University Press)

Virilio develops an extensive vocabulary to capture his . . . 11 in these terms (2005: 74).

Our advocacy begins with an ontology of speed – it’s not simply the linear compression of time, but a rift: the irruption of the New into the present, an absolute futurity that lays bare the impossibility of liberal telos
Glezos 11 (Simon Glezos, Lecturer of Political Science at the University of Victoria, British Columbia, “The ticking bomb: Speed, liberalism and ressentiment against the future”, Contemporary Political Theory 10.2 (May 2011): 147-165. doi:10.1057/cpt.2010.6

What is more, by pursuing a purely . . . at both the individual and the social level.

The unitary executive is the ultimate manifestation of liberal ressentiment toward an ateleological future – a failed attempt to secure a coherent political identity in an uncertain world.

Voting aff endorses a radical embrace of that uncertainty. Liberalism closes off deliberation because it’s afraid where true democracy will take us, instead investing the executive with the authority to narrate the present into the future. Vote aff to open debate to futurity.
Glezos 11 (Simon Glezos, Lecturer of Political Science at the University of Victoria, British Columbia, “The ticking bomb: Speed, liberalism and ressentiment against the future”, Contemporary Political Theory 10.2 (May 2011): 147-165. doi:10.1057/cpt.2010.6

Speed and Ressentiment Now that we have developed . . . means an established fact or a foregone conclusion.

Absent an analysis of temporality, any project to resuscitate politics will fail. If it’s true that debate constellates our political subjecitivity, we must begin with the question of speed.
Scheuerman 9 (William E. Scheuerman, professor of political science at the University of Minnesota, “Citizenship and Speed” in High-Speed Society: Social Acceleration, Power, and Modernity, 2009. pub. The Pennsylvania State University Press, eds. Hartmut Rosa and William E. Scheuerman, pp. 292-296

Much of modern democratic theory could be appropriately . . . executive—who promises quick and decisive action.

Counterinterp: speed is affirmation

Resolved is to reduce by mental analysis, Random House 11 (http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/resolve)

Should indicates futurity, OED 11 (http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/should?region=us)

USFG = the people

Howard, 2005 (Adam, “Jeffersonian Democracy: Of the People, By the People, For the People,” http://www.byzantinecommunications.com/adamhoward/homework/highschool/jeffersonian.html, 5/27)

Ideally, then, under Jeffersonian Democracy, . . . using the power they get from the people.

Limits are impossible

De Cock 1 (Christian De Cock, Professor of Organizational behaviour, change management, creative problem solving, 2001, “Of Philip K. Dick, reflexivity and shifting realities Organizing (writing) in our post-industrial society” in the book “Science Fiction and Organization”)

'As Marx might have said more generally, . . . (McCloskey, 1994, p. 166).

Their instrumentalization of speed denies absolute futurity in favor of an infinite extension of the present – crushes our ability to cope with social acceleration critically

Hassan 9 (Robert Hassan, ARC Senior Research Fellow, Media and Communications at University of Melbourne, “Pathologies of Speed” in Empires of Speed: Time and the Acceleration of Politics and Society, pub. BRILL, 2009)

Critical thinking, or critical reason, functions . . . , the less we are aware of it.

That strips our decisiomaking of any ethical value

Clegg 10 (Sue Clegg, Professor of Higher Educational Research and Head of the Centre for Research into Higher Education, “Time future – the dominant discourse of higher education”, Time and Society 19(3) 345–364, 2010)

This paper explores the ways in which the . . . basis of social life (Archer, 2003).

Simulation bad
Hoofd ‘9 Ingrid M. Hoofd, National University of Singapore, Singapore, The Neoliberal Consolidation of Play and Speed: Ethical Issues in Serious Gaming, 2009, http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.134.5365&rep=rep1&type=pdf I would claim that Armitage’s assessment of accelerated . . . the function and logic of serious gaming.

The critique of simulation nostalgically assumes that there was some more authentic real, thus giving up the struggles to effect the meaning of the real in the symbolic, namely politics itself. They’re criticism produces the existing ideology by mimicing the assumption that it’s all there is, like the triumphant capitalist who says that whatever problems capitalism may have, there’s no alternative so we have to learn to live within capitalism, not struggle to escape it. Their criticism doesn’t question ideolgy and simulation, it strengthens it

Donahue, Department of English at Gonzaga University, 2001 [Brian, “Marxism, Postmodernism, Žižek,” Postmodern Culture (12.2), project muse] Simulacrum, Superego, Lacanian Ethics, and the Problem of Evil According to Zizek, theorists of postmodern society . . . rather nothing more than blank, unreflective enjoyment.

Fatal strategies are political aquiescence—they should be rejected—uniquely true in the context of debate and education

Waddington ‘11 (David, Dept. of Education @ Concordia, “Review of Trevor Norris, Consuming Schools Commercialism and the End of Politics”, Stud Philos Educ (2011) 30:85-92) Norris does excellent work summarizing Baudrillard’s fairly wide. . . especially true as far as education is concerned.

They concede meaning intersubjective Critchley 12 (Simon Critchley, Hans Jonas Professor of Philosophy at the New School for Social Research, 2012, “Introduction: Wilde Christianity” in The Faith of the Faithless: Experiments in Political Theology)

It is the phrase, “Everything to . . . , and is framed by two brief parables.

They’re wrong about information—politics is just different, not entirely impossible—we must mobilize new public sphere

Axford et al, ’97 (Barrie, and Richard Huggins are Lecturers at the Department of Politics, School of Social Sciences, Oxford Brookes University, “ANTI-POLITICS OR THE TRIUMPH OF POSTMODERN POPULISM IN PROMOTIONAL CULTURES?” The Public, Vol. 4.3) Nevertheless, it is clear that these ideas . . . deviation from more authentic verbal and written cultures.

Baudrillard’s critique of simulation functions from the position of paranoid knowledge: by claiming that everything is just another aspect of symbolization the only option left open to us (and the one that they affirm) is to narcisstically play within the logic of a simulated world. Rejecting that the knowledge of all things and all others is impossible is key to a non-totalitarian politics

Flieger, Professor of French and Comparative Literature at Rutgers University, 1996 [Jerry Aline, “The Listening Eye: Postmodernism, Paranoia, and the Hypervisible,” Diacritics 26.1 (1996) 90-107, project muse] Indeed, as regards knowledge, a little . . . the inhuman objectivity, as every paranoid knows.

They are wrong about everything

Bernstein et al. 2k (Steven Bernstein, Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Toronto, Richard Ned Lebow, James O. Freedman Presidential Professor of Government, Emeritus at Darthmouth University and Professor of War Studies, King's College London, Janice Gross Stein, member of the Order of Canada and the Royal Society of Canada, University Professor of Political Science at the University of Toronto, director of the Munk School of Global Affairs at the University of Toronto and Associate Chair and Belzberg Professor of Conflict Management and Negotiation, and Steven Weber, professor at the School of Information and the Department of Political Science at the University of California, Berkeley. He holds an M.D. and a Ph.D in political science from Stanford University. “God Gave Physics the Easy Problems: Adapting Social Science to an Unpredictable World”, European Journal of International Relations 2000 6:43 DOI:10.1177/1354066100006001003)

Many of the scholars responsible for the behavioral . . . ones, is difficult, and often impossible.

Hegemony only exists in Kagan’s mind – system is de-centralized, applying hegemonic mythology to policy causes blowback and destroys cooperation

Doran 9 (Charles F., Andrew W. Mellon Prof. of International Relations, Director of the Global Theory and History Program, Director of the Center for Canadian Studies @ Johns Hopkins U., “Fooling Oneself: The Mythology of Hegemony” International Studies Review, Vol. 11.1)

More than a catalogue of techniques other governments . . . self-enforcing, and self-sufficient.

Hegemonic retrenchment’s key to avoid great power war

Monteiro 12 (Nuno P. Monteiro, Assistant Professor of Political Science at Yale University, “Unrest Assured: Why Unipolarity is Not Peaceful,” International Security, Winter 2012, Vol. 36, No. 3, p. 9-40)

From the perspective of the overall peacefulness of . . . unparalleled relative power requires unequaled self-restraint.

The re-orientation of enmity towards cynegetic power converts contemporary governance into infinite hunting – endlessly piling up bodies, killing beyond the point of death

Debrix & Barder ’12 (François, Professor of Political Science @ Virginia Tech, Director of the Alliance for Social, Political, Ethical, and Cultural Thought, and Alexander, Dept. of Political Science @ American U. of Beirut, Beyond Biopolitics: Theory, violence, and horror in world politics, pp. 107-109) Massumi notes that “[t]he enemy . . . (l'epars), as Chamayou puts it.70

Asserting hegemony is a response to the evacuation of concrete political distinctions by political and economic globalization – an endless string of enemy creation, permanent development of the globe, and conversion of politics to policing. You may be right that hegemony isn’t collapsing, but it’s only because the affirmative’s politics dooms America to winning a permanent war of attrition

Galli ‘10 (Carlo, Professor of Political Philosophy @ U. of Bologna, Politics Spaces and Global War, trans. Adam Sitze, pp. 175-179) Of course, even if there is no . . . Shadow, in an immediate and unthinking way.

Perm do both – communicative intervention should take place alongside everyday practices

Connolly 2 (William E. Connolly, Krieger-Eisenhower Professor of Political Science at Johns Hopkins University, July 24, 2002, “Time and Democracy” in Neuropolitics: Thinking, Culture, Speed)

In a brilliant little essay titled “What . . . of democracy becomes translated into fascist becoming machines.

Fatal strategies are political aquiescence—they should be rejected—uniquely true in the context of debate and education

Waddington ‘11 (David, Dept. of Education @ Concordia, “Review of Trevor Norris, Consuming Schools Commercialism and the End of Politics”, Stud Philos Educ (2011) 30:85-92) Norris does excellent work summarizing Baudrillard’s fairly wide. . . especially true as far as education is concerned.

The negative’s emphasis on the pre given CONTENT of our words over the EXPRESSION of their context prevents an understanding of language-as-becoming. Destroys the possibility for emancipatory

Stevenson, 2k9 (Frank, Dept. English, National Taiwan Normal University, “Stretching Language to Its Limit: Deleuze and the Problem of Poeisis”, Concentric: Literary and Cultural Studies 25.1)

Lecercle ends his book with a discussion of . . . : the two stutterings. (Essays 110)

The so-called Prompt Global Strike seems like other technologies – but its intrinsic accident is global. Two factors make the PGS unique:

A. It renders the entire world as part of a single entity, reachable instantaneously. The entire world becomes a battlefield. The battlefield becomes the countdown.

B. It eliminates all reaction times to combat, drastically increasing the risk of use and conflict

Bormann ‘9 [“The lost dimension? A spatial reading of US weaponisation of space” in Securing Outer Space, ed. Bormann and Sheehan. Natalie Bormann – Department of Politics, Northeastern University] How does this matter? I argue that the task of tracing these constructions of spatiality, . . . action drawn from that control over that space.

Cyber Deterrence theory is wrong—Absent the plan, cyber offense causes the next world war.
CSM 11, Christian Science Monitor (3/7, Mark Clayton, The new cyber arms race, www.csmonitor.com/USA/Military/2011/0307/The-new-cyber-arms-race)

The new cyber arms race Tomorrow's wars will . . . -formed, undeveloped, and highly uncertain.”

Deterrence fails and can’t solve terrorists
Kramer 12 [Franklin D. Kramer is a distinguished research fellow in the Center for Technology and National Security Policy at the National Defense University. He served as the assistant secretary of defense for international security affairs from 1996 to 2001. Stuart H. Starr is also a distinguished research fellow in the Center for Technology and National Security Policy at the National Defense University. He concurrently serves as the president of the Barcroft Research Institute. Larry Wentz is a senior research fellow in the Center for Technology and National Security Policy at the National Defense University., “Cyberpower and National Security”, p. 318]

No cyber deterrence strategy can hope to be . . . the logic of deterrence had lost its relevance.

Deterrence wrong
Bernstein et al. 2k (Steven Bernstein, Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Toronto, Richard Ned Lebow, James O. Freedman Presidential Professor of Government, Emeritus at Darthmouth University and Professor of War Studies, King's College London, Janice Gross Stein, member of the Order of Canada and the Royal Society of Canada, University Professor of Political Science at the University of Toronto, director of the Munk School of Global Affairs at the University of Toronto and Associate Chair and Belzberg Professor of Conflict Management and Negotiation, and Steven Weber, professor at the School of Information and the Department of Political Science at the University of California, Berkeley. He holds an M.D. and a Ph.D in political science from Stanford University. “God Gave Physics the Easy Problems: Adapting Social Science to an Unpredictable World”, European Journal of International Relations 2000 6:43 DOI:10.1177/1354066100006001003)

Many of the scholars responsible for the behavioral . . . ones, is difficult, and often impossible.

Conceiving of “cyberspace” as another warfighting theater perverts military policy
Libicki 12 (Martin, senior management scientist at the RAND Corporation. Focusing on the impacts of information technology on domestic and national security, “Cyberspace Is Not a Warfighting Domain,” Journal of Law and Policy for the Information Society. Vol.8, Issue 2, http://moritzlaw.osu.edu/students/groups/is/files/2012/02/4.Libicki.pdf)

In the beginning was the land domain; . . . having been elevated into a separate domain.

No Impact to attack
Lewis 06 (James, Director and Senior Fellow, Technology and Public Policy Program at CSIS, “Cybersecurity and Critical Infrastructure Protection,” http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/0601_cscip_preliminary.pdf)

Determining the importance of cybersecurity for critical infrastructure . . . widening conflict in exchange for very little benefit.

Perm do both
Williams & Srnicek 13 (Alex, PhD student at the University of East London, presently at work on a thesis entitled 'Hegemony and Complexity', Nick, PhD candidate in International Relations at the London School of Economics, Co-authors of the forthcoming Folk Politics, 14 May 2013, http://criticallegalthinking.com/2013/05/14/accelerate-manifesto-for-an-accelerationist-politics/

15. We do not present any par¬tic¬u¬lar . . . to incul¬cate, embody and spread them.

Permutation solves best – manifesto form was political, in reality we need to combine political styles
Srnicek ’13 (Nick, “#Celerity: A Critique of the Manifesto for an Accelerationist Politics” http://speculativeheresy.wordpress.com/2013/05/14/celerity-a-critique-of-the-manifesto-for-an-accelerationist-politics/) It should be emphasised though that “#Accelerate. . . to discover what works in practice.

They are Vanguardism that leads to revolutionary violence and failed politics – we need to couple subjectivity shift with broader politics
Deterritorial Investigations Unit ’13 (“New Accelerationism and Imperial Protocol” http://deterritorialinvestigations.wordpress.com/2013/05/19/new-accelerationism-and-imperial-protocol/) I think that [there] are some . . . ,” there might be cause to be wary.

The negative can only be a thought experiment – there aren’t material conditions for their acceleration, so the aff’s rift is key
Wark ’13 (Mackenzie, Prof. of Culture and Media Studies @ The New School, “#Celerity: A Critique of the Manifesto for an Accelerationist Politics”) 2.1 To begin with: while . . . There’s always points that can be prized open.

Temporal analysis first
Hickman ’13 (Steven Craig, Philosopher and poet, “Posthuman Accelerationism,” http://darkecologies.com/2013/06/17/posthuman-accelerationism/#more-6083)

Wolfendale tells us that what accelerationsism is most . . . and living, that of reality itself?

Revolution bad
Adams 3 (Jason Adams, M.A. candidate in political science at Simon Fraser University, 2003, “Popular Defense in the Empire of Speed: Paul Virilio and the Phenomenology of the Political Body,” Thesis, http://www.academia.edu/attachments/2058093/download_file

Even this statement ought not be taken at . . . become an obligation to mobility”.[207]

No guarantee authoritarian state would be ecological
Paehlke 5 (Robert Paehlke, Professor and Chair, Environmental and Resource Studies Program, Trent University, 2005, “Democracy and Environmentalism: Opening a Door to the Administrative State?” in Managing Leviathan: Environmental Politics and the Administrative State, edited by Robert Paehlke and Douglas Torgerson, pp. 26-27)

Writing at about the same time as Heilbroner . . . empowerment with enhanced participation and openness.8

Empirically, centralization causes ecological degradation and democratization increases ecological concern
Payne 95 (Payne, assistant professor of political science at the University of Louisville, 1995 [Rodger A., “Freedom and the Environment,” Journal of Democracy 6.3 (1995) 41-55, muse]

In articulating their support for global democratization, . . . allowed greater expression of ecological concerns. 6

Authoritarianism gets co-opted – democracy key
Paehlke 5 (Robert Paehlke, Professor and Chair, Environmental and Resource Studies Program, Trent University, 2005, “Democracy and Environmentalism: Opening a Door to the Administrative State?” in Managing Leviathan: Environmental Politics and the Administrative State, edited by Robert Paehlke and Douglas Torgerson, pp. 37-39)

In sharp contrast to the theoretical views noted . . . continuous enhancement of opportunities for democratic participation.

No impact to enviro
Sagoff 97 Mark, Senior Research Scholar – Institute for Philosophy and Public policy in School of Public Affairs – U. Maryland, William and Mary Law Review, “INSTITUTE OF BILL OF RIGHTS LAW SYMPOSIUM DEFINING TAKINGS: PRIVATE PROPERTY AND THE FUTURE OF GOVERNMENT REGULATION: MUDDLE OR MUDDLE THROUGH? TAKINGS JURISPRUDENCE MEETS THE ENDANGERED SPECIES ACT”, 38 Wm and Mary L. Rev. 825, March, L/N Note – Colin Tudge - Research Fellow at . . . . The most valuable things are quite useless.

What is nature?
Jean Baudrillard, Professor of Sociology and Philosophy @ Multiple universities, 2007, “Darwin’s Artificial Ancestors and the Terroristic Dream of the Transparency of the Good” International Journal of Baudrillard Studies Volume 4, number 2 All this has been brought about by the . . . the sacrificing of the species to boundless experimentation.

Aff is a better method to solve
Bignall 10 (Simone Bignall, Vice-Chancellor's Postdoctoral Research Scholar in Philosophy at UNSW, “Introduction” in Postcolonial Agency: Critique and Constructivism

Critiques of colonialism and of associated forms of . . . my home society: post-colonial Australia.

Minor politics good
Thoburn 6 (Nicholas Thoburn is a lecturer in the School of Social Sciences at the University of Manchester. 2006, “Vacuoles of Noncommunication: Minor Politics, Communist Style and the Multitude” in Deleuze and the Contemporary World, pub. Edinburgh University Press)

In an interview first published in 1990, . . . (Guattari 1995: 37–8)

Land claims are not the first priority because they presume a static Native identity in opposition to whites—our project is a deconstruction of the identity oppositions that were the condition of possibility for colonization in the first place
PULITANO 2003 (Elvira, Asst Prof English at U of Geneva, Toward a Native American Critical Theory, p. 171-173) Translated into a Native American context, Derrida's . . . learn new ways of reading and thinking.

Their uncritical demand for native sovereignty transplants Western politics to indigenous terms – aff is a comparatively better strategy
Kahn 10 (Richard Kahn, Assistant Professor of Educational Foundations and Research at the University of North Dakota, Critical Pedagogy, Ecoliteracy, & Planetary Crisis: The Ecopedagogy Movement, 2010, pp. 118-120) As I have argued in this chapter, . . . and small, human and nonhuman alike.

Tying identity to land reinforces the topography of power—it essentializes identity and attaches it to discrete territorial units, repeating the very logic of the nation-state
Gupta and Ferguson 92. (Akhil, Department of Anthropology, Stanford University; James, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Irvine; “Beyond ‘Culture’: Space, Identity, and the Politics of Difference”, Cultural Anthropology 7.1 page 6-7, JSTOR.)

Representations of space in the social sciences are . . . its cultural construction as a community or locality.

Our understanding of agency
Bignall 10 (Simone Bignall, Vice-Chancellor's Postdoctoral Research Scholar in Philosophy at UNSW, “Introduction” in Postcolonial Agency: Critique and Constructivism

Critiques of colonialism and of associated forms of . . . my home society: post-colonial Australia.

Nuclear family card
German ‘6 (Lindsey, convenor of the British anti-war organisation Stop the War Coalition and a former member of the central committee of the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party. She was editor of Socialist Review for twenty years until 2004. She has twice stood as a left wing candidate for Mayor of London, “Theories of Patriarchy,” http://www.isj.org.uk/?id=240, VR) So what keeps the family going today? . . . to behave as equals in a new society.

A geneaology of their K: The reduction of the erotic to the production of social utility created the conditions of possibility for the erotic to be marginalized and disciplined—a critique of speed is a critique of this logic, and therefore a precondition to the liberation of eros
Bataille 65 Eroticism fell within … l considerations gained in importance.

Without questioning the Empire of Speed, their transgressive politics is absorbed right back into the capitalist economy
Botting ‘4 (Fred, Professor of English Literature, Department of English @ U. of Keele, “fcuk Speed” Culture and Organization, Vol. 10.1, p. 44) The focus on signification offers a different understanding . . . the ‘anything goes’ eclecticism of postmodern practice.

The desire to fix identity in the body reproduces the worst forms of violence—by definition, all difference becomes a threat to be exterminated when race becomes singular, inevitable, and material
Paul Gilroy, 2000, Professor at London School of Economics, Against Race: Imagining Political Culture Beyond the Color Line, 102-106

We will explore below ultranationalist and fascist movements . . . of this dismal logic: separation and slaughter.

Only problematizing a teleological reading of feminism can escape the imperialist tendencies of constructing a universal identitarian politics
Hutchings 8 (Kimberly Hutchings, Professor and Department Head of International Relations at the London School of Economics and Political Science, 2008, “Thinking the present” in Time and world politics: thinking the present, Manchester University Press)

Feminist sensitivity to the problems of dominant ways . . . 'human', 'woman', 'subaltern' or 'third world'.

Castration bad political strategy
Sharpe 1 (Matthew Sharpe, Lecturer in Philosophy & Psychoanalytic Studies at Deakin University, Australia, 2001, “Jacques Lacan (1901-1981)” http://www.iep.utm.edu/lacweb/#SH4b

What follows from this is the position that . . . are implicated in how the scene appears.

The permutation is net beneficial—only the reoccupation of the master’s discourse from multiple sites of oppression can solve
Butler, Professor of Rhetoric at Berkeley, 2004 [Judith, “Bodies That Matter,” Engaging with Irigaray, Ed. Burke, Schor, Whitford, p.p. 164-165] Significantly, this prohibition emerges at the site . . . —the exclusions by which we proceed.

The critique’s approach to sexual difference is totalizing—only by analyzing the articulation of sexual difference among other vectors of domination such as race and class can we preclude the critique from becoming essentialist
Winnubst, Assistant Professor of Philosophy at Southwestern, 1999 [Shannon, “Exceeding Hegel and Lacan: Different Fields of Pleasure within Foucault and Irigaray,” Hypatia 14.1, muse]

Simultaneously, bringing Foucault's rich sense of historical . . . and articulate the differences within our different lives.

Their authors’ assumption of sexual difference as a universal ordering category transposes Western binary thinking onto non-Western societies where social categories of man and woman are not primarily ordering. This “body reasoning” is constructed by and constructs Western dominance.
Oyewumi 97 Oyeronke Oyewumi, Associate Professor of Sociology, SUNY Stony Brook, The Invention of Women Making an African Sense of Western Gender Discourses, University of Minnesota Press, 1997

INDISPUTABLY, gender has been a fundamental . . . West’s global material dominance.

Their critique of phallocentrism is incomplete and irredemably violent insofar as it relies on a problematic universalization of the two sex archetypes as analytic categories – subordinates other forms of differentiation and non-binary gender identities.
Rakes 13 – (2013, Heather, PhD, Assistant Professor Women's and Gender Studies Schmitt Academic Center, DePaul University, “Toward a Theoretico-practical Accountability to Difference and Relationality,” Disability Studies Quarterly, http://dsq-sds.org/article/view/3873/3409)

My point of departure for this essay is . . . think we belong, and with whom.

The trans, black, disabled, and deviant body poses an inescapable problem for the affirmative and exposes the implicit fear with which the 1AC was constructed – liminal gender identities don’t occpy an in-between space but rather a zone of their own – challenging sexism DOES NOT and SHOULD NOT require acceptance of other oppressions.
Koyama 06 – (2006, Emi, multi-issue social justice activist/writer/rogue intellectual, author of a dope blog, you should really check it out, “WHOSE FEMINISM IS IT ANYWAY? THE UNSPOKEN RACISM OF THE TRANS INCLUSION DEBATE,” available online, a version of this article has been published in The Transgender Studies Reader (2006, Routledge), ed. by Susan Stryker and Stephen Whittle)

The kind of threat I am talking about . . . discussions about power, privilege and oppression.

Where did indefinite detention come from?

In the wake of 9/11, the Bush Administration created a juridical category both new and old: the “unlawful enemy combatant.” This category drew not just upon the legacy of Ex parte Quirin but the discursive structures that underpinned it to create an individual who could be justly detained.

Today, the juridical justification for detention authority draws on unscrutinzed énoncés of post-9/11 discourse: concepts like “war” and “national security” are being stretched to their breaking point
Shaub 11 (Jonathan David Shaub, J.D., Northwestern University School of Law, 2011; M.A., English, Belmont University, 2010; B.A., Philosophy and Religious Studies, Vanderbilt University, 2003, now a Bristow Fellow at the Office of the Solicitor General, “A Foucauldian Call for the Archaeological Excavation of Discourse in the Post-Boumediene Habeas Litigation,” Spring, 2011 Northwestern University Law Review, 105 Nw. U.L. Rev. 869

I. The Post-9/11 . . . what Foucault calls a “discursive formation.”

This discursive formation operationalizes the unrestrained exercise of presidential war powers – the executive can define the boundaries of meaning, making any limitation on detention power impossible
Shaub 11 (Jonathan David Shaub, J.D., Northwestern University School of Law, 2011; M.A., English, Belmont University, 2010; B.A., Philosophy and Religious Studies, Vanderbilt University, 2003, now a Bristow Fellow at the Office of the Solicitor General, “A Foucauldian Call for the Archaeological Excavation of Discourse in the Post-Boumediene Habeas Litigation,” Spring, 2011 Northwestern University Law Review, 105 Nw. U.L. Rev. 869

B. The D.C. District . . . the meaning of the text and the discourse.

Discourse creates the conditions of possibility for meaning – leaving the post-9/11 discursive formation uninterrogated guarantees its hegemony
Shaub 11 (Jonathan David Shaub, J.D., Northwestern University School of Law, 2011; M.A., English, Belmont University, 2010; B.A., Philosophy and Religious Studies, Vanderbilt University, 2003, now a Bristow Fellow at the Office of the Solicitor General, “A Foucauldian Call for the Archaeological Excavation of Discourse in the Post-Boumediene Habeas Litigation,” Spring, 2011 Northwestern University Law Review, 105 Nw. U.L. Rev. 869

C. Post-9/11 Discourse . . . excavation of discourse, most have not.

That leads to a hypermasculinist-orientalist nexus of power and knowledge that demonizes the Other in an attempt to reconstitute subjectivity after 9/11
Nayak 6 (Meghana Nayak, Associate Professor at Pace University, “Orientalism and ‘saving’ US state identity after 9/11”, International Feminist Journal of Politics Volume 8, Issue 1, 2006, DOI:10.1080/14616740500415458

The attacks on the World Trade Center and . . . the desperate attempts to save the Self.

This orientalist pathology leads to extinction
Batur 7 [Pinar Batur, PhD @ UT-Austin – Prof. of Scociology @ Vassar, ‘7 [“The Heart of Violence: Global Racism, War, and Genocide,” in Handbook of the The Soiology of Racial and Ethnic Relations, eds. Vera and Feagin, p. 446-7]

At the turn of the 20th century, . . . opened up with genocide, in Darfur.

It also guarantees endless war against imagined enemies foreign and domestic
Jabri 6 (Vivienne Jabri, Professor in the Department of War Studies at King’s College London, 2006, “War, Security and the Liberal State”, Security Dialogue, Vol. 37, No. 1, p. 52-55)

The practices of warfare taking place in the . . . power that take life as their objective’.

Discourse also determines the allocation of authority between the branches of government in the context of detention – even if the current institutional arrangement is good, we have ceded our authority to even make that decision
Shaub 11 (Jonathan David Shaub, J.D., Northwestern University School of Law, 2011; M.A., English, Belmont University, 2010; B.A., Philosophy and Religious Studies, Vanderbilt University, 2003, now a Bristow Fellow at the Office of the Solicitor General, “A Foucauldian Call for the Archaeological Excavation of Discourse in the Post-Boumediene Habeas Litigation,” Spring, 2011 Northwestern University Law Review, 105 Nw. U.L. Rev. 869

3. Post-9/11 Enonces and Complementary Space. - Finally, the . . . Note calls for the same solution: archaeology.

Only an archaeological excavation can address the limits of executive war powers authority on indefinite detention
Shaub 11 (Jonathan David Shaub, J.D., Northwestern University School of Law, 2011; M.A., English, Belmont University, 2010; B.A., Philosophy and Religious Studies, Vanderbilt University, 2003, now a Bristow Fellow at the Office of the Solicitor General, “A Foucauldian Call for the Archaeological Excavation of Discourse in the Post-Boumediene Habeas Litigation,” Spring, 2011 Northwestern University Law Review, 105 Nw. U.L. Rev. 869

II. The Judicial Role in Habeas Litigation . . . the D.C. district courts.

This archaeology requires the suspension of the self-legitimating unity of post-9/11 énoncés: this is a prerequisite to debate on this issue. A legal excavation is uniquely key.
Shaub 11 (Jonathan David Shaub, J.D., Northwestern University School of Law, 2011; M.A., English, Belmont University, 2010; B.A., Philosophy and Religious Studies, Vanderbilt University, 2003, now a Bristow Fellow at the Office of the Solicitor General, “A Foucauldian Call for the Archaeological Excavation of Discourse in the Post-Boumediene Habeas Litigation,” Spring, 2011 Northwestern University Law Review, 105 Nw. U.L. Rev. 869

IV. An Archaeology of the Post-. . . relies on unexamined enonces to support his arguments.

A discursive analysis must come FIRST – otherwise constructing a new separation of powers is impossible
Shaub 11 (Jonathan David Shaub, J.D., Northwestern University School of Law, 2011; M.A., English, Belmont University, 2010; B.A., Philosophy and Religious Studies, Vanderbilt University, 2003, now a Bristow Fellow at the Office of the Solicitor General, “A Foucauldian Call for the Archaeological Excavation of Discourse in the Post-Boumediene Habeas Litigation,” Spring, 2011 Northwestern University Law Review, 105 Nw. U.L. Rev. 869

This Note contends that judges in the Guantanamo . . . province and duty of the judicial department.“ n277

Plan: The United States federal judiciary should conduct a discursive archaeological excavation restricting the war powers authority of the President of the United States in the area of indefinite detention.

Clear statement requirement solves- no circumvention
Landau 9 (Joseph, Associate-in-Law, Columbia Law School. MUSCULAR PROCEDURE: CONDITIONAL DEFERENCE IN THE EXECUTIVE DETENTION CASES Washington Law Review Vol. 84:661, 2009)

The executive detention cases of the past several . . . imposed standard requiring lucid, intelligible procedures.

Executives follow court decisions
Bradley and Morrison 13 (Curtis, Professor of Law, Duke Law School, and Trevor, Professor of Law, Columbia Law School , “Presidential Power, Historical Practice, And Legal Constraint” Duke Law Scholarship Repository, . . . to law (or judicial review).120

Lack of perfect enforcement doesn’t mean law can’t constrain
Bradley and Morrison 13 (Curtis, Professor of Law, Duke Law School, and Trevor, Professor of Law, Columbia Law School , “Presidential Power, Historical Practice, And Legal Constraint” Duke Law Scholarship Repository) . . . not by itself negate the importance of law.

Empirically denied
Adam Litpak (Writer for the New York Times) August 20, 2012 “In Congress’s Paralysis, a Mightier Supreme Court” http://www.nytimes.com/2012/08/21/us/politics/supreme-court-gains-power-from-paralysis-of-congress.html The Supreme Court does not always have . . . word, on what a statute means.”

Counterinterp: excavation is affirmation

Resolved is to reduce by mental analysis, Random House 11 (http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/resolve)

Should indicates futurity, OED 11 (http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/should?region=us)

USFG = the people
Howard, 2005 (Adam, “Jeffersonian Democracy: Of the People, By the People, For the People,” http://www.byzantinecommunications.com/adamhoward/homework/highschool/jeffersonian.html, 5/27)

Ideally, then, under Jeffersonian Democracy, . . . using the power they get from the people.

Jurisprudential theory first
Hon 9 (Hon (LLM & SJD from Harvard Law; Associate Professor of Law at Singapore Management University Tan Seow, Teaching legal ideals through jurisprudence, The Law Teacher, Vol. 43, Iss. 1, 2009)

In relation to the first, legal education . . . teachers have not experienced sufficient ethical dilemma. 38

Courts key
Eviatar 10 (Daphne- Senior Associate in Human Rights First’s Law and Security Program, June 10, “Judges to Congress: Don't Legislate Indefinite Detention”, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/daphne-eviatar/judges-to-congress-dont-l_b_607801.html)

For months now, certain commentators and legislators . . . a clear and reliable statement of the law.

Especially true with Obama and OLC
Jacob Sullum, senior editor, Reason, “War Counsel: Obama Shops for Libya Advice that Lets Him Ignore the Law,” TOWNHALL, 6—22—11, http://townhall.com/columnists/jacobsullum/2011/06/22/war_counsel_obama_shops_for_libya_advice_that_lets_him_ignore_the_law/page/full/

During the Bush administration, when the Justice . . . bother with the War Powers Resolution's time limits.”

Obama doesn’t care
Posner 11 - Kirkland & Ellis Professor, University of Chicago Law School (Eric A. Posner, “Deference To The Executive In The United States After September 11: Congress, The Courts, And The Office Of Legal Counsel”, http://www.harvard-jlpp.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/01/PosnerFinal.pdf)

In the early years of the Bush Administration. . . that the OLC enables rather than constrains.

Constraint is meaningless
HARVARD LAW REVIEW, “Developments in the Law: Presidential Authority,” v. 125, 2012, p. 2089-2090.

The recent history of signing statements demonstrates how . . . and perhaps public opinion, will tell.

Bureaucracy prevents implementation of an executive order
Rosenberg 12 (Carol, 1-9-12, “Congress, rules keep Obama from closing Guantanamo Bay” The Miami Herald) www.mcclatchydc.com/2012/01/09/135179/congress-rule-keep-obama-from.html#.UjXQNcasiSo

Lastly, Obama’s executive order to close Guantánamo . . . is the place that Obama cannot close.

CP links to politics more
Billy Hallowell 13, writer for The Blaze, B.A. in journalism and broadcasting from the College of Mount Saint Vincent in Riverdale, New York and an M.S. in social research from Hunter College in Manhattan, “HERE’S HOW OBAMA IS USING EXECUTIVE POWER TO BYPASS LEGISLATIVE PROCESS” Feb. 11, 2013, http://www.theblaze.com/stories/2013/02/11/heres-how-obamas-using-executive-power-to-bylass-legislative-process-plus-a-brief-history-of-executive-orders/ “In an era of polarized parties and . . . complaints coming from the incumbent president’s opponents.”

Executive orders are not enforced and will get rolled back
Richard Wolf, citing Paul Light, professor of public service, “Obama Uses Executive Powers to Get Past Congress,” USA TODAY, 10—27—11, www.usatoday.com/news/washington/story/2011-10-26/obama-executive-orders/50942170/1, accessed 7-18-12.

On all three initiatives, Obama used his . . . Generally speaking, it's more symbolic than substantive.“

No spillover, also plan INCREASES the clarity of deference doctrine by investigating epistemic authority
Berger 11 (ERIC BERGER, Assistant Professor of Law, University of Nebraska College of Law, 2011 “INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS, JUDICIAL DEFERENCE, AND ADMINISTRATIVE LAW NORMS IN CONSTITUTIONAL DECISION MAKING” BOSTON UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW” [Vol. 91:2029]

The theory presented here also has the advantage . . . by practicing what they have preached.

A discursive analysis must come FIRST – otherwise constructing a new separation of powers is impossible
Shaub 11 (Jonathan David Shaub, J.D., Northwestern University School of Law, 2011; M.A., English, Belmont University, 2010; B.A., Philosophy and Religious Studies, Vanderbilt University, 2003, now a Bristow Fellow at the Office of the Solicitor General, “A Foucauldian Call for the Archaeological Excavation of Discourse in the Post-Boumediene Habeas Litigation,” Spring, 2011 Northwestern University Law Review, 105 Nw. U.L. Rev. 869

This Note contends that judges in the Guantanamo . . . duty of the judicial department.“ n277

No unique link – past liberal detention cases
Bejesky 13 (Robert, The author has taught international law courses for the Department of Political Science at the University of Michigan, American Government and Constitutional Law courses for Alma College, and business law courses at Central Michigan University and the University of Miami, “Dubitable Security Threats and Low Intensity Interventions as the Achilles' Heel of War Powers,” 32 Miss. C. L. Rev. 9, lexis) The judiciary is not reluctant to become involved . . . Chief as it relates to treaty interpretation. 474

Those slayed deference
Buchanan 13 (Bruce, Government professor @ UT Austin, Presidential Power and Accountability: Toward a Presidential Accountability System, Routledge, pgs. 44-6)

The mixed signals of Youngstown aside, judicial . . . constitute a latent threat to Court legitimacy.

Court expertise is sufficient—their link is blown out of proportion
Knowles 9 [Spring, 2009, Robert Knowles is a Acting Assistant Professor, New York University School of Law, “American Hegemony and the Foreign Affairs Constitution”, ARIZONA STATE LAW JOURNAL, 41 Ariz. St. L.J. 87] A common justification for deference is that the . . . ever-increasing abdication of their role.?

Uniqueness overwhelms the link
Bloomberg 10-1 (Roxana Tiron et al,- Washington Correspondent for Bloomberg, former staff reporter for the Hill focusing on defense “Government Shutdown Begins as Deadlocked Congress Flails”) The U.S. government began its . . . LLC, a former top aide to Reid.

Congress not key
Posner 9-30 (Eric,- Professor of Law at the University of Chicago Law School. An editor of The Journal of Legal Studies, he has also published numerous articles and books on issues in international law. He is well-known as the co-author of Terror in the Balance and The Executive Unbound.[2] “On the Debt Ceiling, at Least, Congress Will Blink”) Barring a compromise with House Republicans, the . . . he can count on Congress to blink.

Asia trip
Washington Times 10-1 (“What shutdown? Obama's Asia trip still a go”) In spite of the government shutdown, President . . . posh tropical resorts would look particularly bad.

Courts don’t link, their ev about congressional challenge and military authorization
Martens 7 (Alison M. Martens, political science at University of Louisville, 2007 (Perspectives on Politics 5.3)

The outline of this revised research agenda, . . . interpretive authority to reside with the courts.

Even if they win a link Obama will bash the court
AP 4/5 (Obama setting up Supreme Court as a campaign issue)

President Barack Obama is laying groundwork to make . . . who wrote a brief supporting the law's constitutionality.

Debate today is marked by a structural conflict. The question of a structural dichotomy between blackness and whiteness dominates discussions, forcing people to rethink their relationship to race and privilege. This binary is a productive one, but it masks a structural silence on the status of other identities that undermines its emancipatory goals
Alcoff 3 (Linda Alcoff, professor of philosophy at CUNY, “LATINO/AS, ASIAN AMERICANS, AND THE BLACK-WHITE BINARY”, The Journal of Ethics 7: 5–27, 2003

It is unlikely that the electoral college will . . . for white union households and the white poor).

This silence smooths over different forms of racism and either discards them as irrelevant or integrates them within the logic of antiblackness. Asians are “whitening” or “assimilating” to whiteness rather than facing distinct problems. This recreates the uncritical universalism of whiteness and makes alleviating certain racial harms impossible.
Alcoff 3 (Linda Alcoff, professor of philosophy at CUNY, “LATINO/AS, ASIAN AMERICANS, AND THE BLACK-WHITE BINARY”, The Journal of Ethics 7: 5–27, 2003

In fact, in Texas not only were . . . . But it leaves everyone else unprotected.25

The silence bred by the dominance of the black/white binary allows conservative forces to divide and conquer – the model minority myth, the tale of the high-performing Asian who proves that social uplift is possible is a paradigmatic example of a liminal identity being redeployed as a weapon in service of antiblackness
Prashad 2 (Vijay Prashad, George and Martha Kellner Chair in South Asian History and Professor of International Studies, 2002, “Everybody Was Kung Fu Fighting,” pp. 40-46

The moral and political weight of the civil . . . content of their character’’ message than we suspect.

Vote aff to intervene in the discussion of the black/white binary in debate.

Suo is Asian and I am white. The 1AC’s intervention affirms this distinction and centralizes it in the discussion, refusing the countless situations where Harvard BS is referred to as “two whites guys from Harvard.” Deconstructing the black/white binary means neither embracing liberal/multicultural color-blindedness, nor advocating a primordial position of absolute difference between races. Instead it begins from an understanding of race for the complex phenomenon that it is
Prashad 2 (Vijay Prashad, George and Martha Kellner Chair in South Asian History and Professor of International Studies, 2002, “Everybody Was Kung Fu Fighting,” pp. 38-40

The problem of the twenty-first century. . . , values. But more on that later.

Otherwise, the simplification of the binary begins to reinforce white supremacy in new forms
Alcoff 3 (Linda Alcoff, professor of philosophy at CUNY, “LATINO/AS, ASIAN AMERICANS, AND THE BLACK-WHITE BINARY”, The Journal of Ethics 7: 5–27, 2003

1) The black/white paradigm has . . . ways in which alliances and differences can occur).

This denies the sort of racial nationalism that asserts authenticity as a justification for exclusion. It affirms the centrality of internal differentiation to understanding identity. If there is any value to debate to begin with, it must start from the presupposition of non-exclusion
Prashad 2 (Vijay Prashad, George and Martha Kellner Chair in South Asian History and Professor of International Studies, 2002, “Everybody Was Kung Fu Fighting,” pp. 64-69

Disenfranchised by white supremacy, many people of . . . that is indeed in some way equal.136

To understand race as founded in absolute difference plays right into the hands of a civil society bent on smoothing away structural antagonisms through the management of diversity
Prashad 2 (Vijay Prashad, George and Martha Kellner Chair in South Asian History and Professor of International Studies, 2002, “Everybody Was Kung Fu Fighting,” pp. 57-64

These states implicitly recognized the contradictions of social . . . pleas for them on authenticity grounds alone).

The debate community has been preoccupied for months by a powerful demand for racial justice. After decades of repression, the voices of oppressed people are starting to surface. We support a pedagogy for the liberation of the oppressed, but we are compelled to intervene in this discussion. The debate is being framed by so-called “race teams” and the white supremacist policing disguised as concern for policy debate. This emerging discussion focuses almost entirely on anti-Blackness on the one hand and white supremacy on the other and therefore frames the issue of racial oppression within a Black/white binary. People of color who are neither Black nor white are ignored, nor how women, non-normative sexualities, and those with disability experience unique violence. This affects us directly. Michael Suo is from a Chinese family that immigrated to the United States. He is marked in the American racial code as foreign and Other. Despite this, Harvard BoSu is regularly called “white.” Suo’s racial identity can be strategically ignored. Facebook discussions about minority participation in elims or on panels almost always ignore Asian people of all kinds as if they don’t count—as if they’re white. This fits a larger stereotype of Asians as silent, hard-working, and apolitical, striving to assimilate into whiteness. But the long history of racial oppression in America makes it obvious that this isn’t true—from the brutal disposability of Chinese workers in the nineteenth century through the Yellow Peril, the Chinese Exclusion act, and the murder of Vincent Chin, the myth of the “model minority” coexists with a violent suspicion of Asian otherness. People assume that Suo is being calculating, self-interested, and crafty when we talk about our structural position. This is just a way of saying that he’s “really” white. It also has ominous parallels to the same stereotypes of Asians that got people killed in the LA riots, got Vincent Chin beaten to death, and are used to justify American military imperialism in Asia. As long as the discussion of race stays within a binary, all people of color will be stuck in a white supremacist system.
ALCOFF 6 (Linda Martín Alcoff, Prof of Philosophy at CUNY, Latinos, Asian Americans, and the Black‐White Binary, in Visible Identities: Race, Gender, and the Self, Oxford Scholarship Online)

Blackness is not the fulcrum of white supremacy. This is an inaccurate and essentialist reading of both history and the present ALCOFF 6 (Linda Martín Alcoff, Prof of Philosophy at CUNY, Latinos, Asian Americans, and the Black‐White Binary, in Visible Identities: Race, Gender, and the Self, Oxford Scholarship Online) To say that racism has been modeled on . . . support these claims further in what follows.

Settlerism and the history of US imperial/colonial projects disproves their economic argument HIFI 9 (Unity and Struggle, anti-racist activist group, On the Origins of Anti-Asian Racism and How We Have Fought Back, May 4, http://gatheringforces.org/2009/05/04/on-the-origins-of-anti-asian-racism-and-how-we-have-fought-back/) In the United States, racist views of . . . allies and define our enemies within this context.

Nativism unique form of oppression, not along color lines
ALCOFF 6 (Linda Martín Alcoff, Prof of Philosophy at CUNY, Latinos, Asian Americans, and the Black‐White Binary, in Visible Identities: Race, Gender, and the Self, Oxford Scholarship Online) What makes all of these diverse examples of . . . , that is differentially distributed among various groups.

Opacity just means that racial discussions continue in the Black-white binary—it feeds a racist conception of Asians and invisible and docile and ensures that our concerns are ignored
Cynthia 2013 (“AccomodAsians” and the Invisibility of APIAs in Race Discussion,” Oct 23, http://www.ecaasu.org/site/2013/10/accomodasians-and-the-invisibility-of-apias-in-race-discussion/) Lots of great stuff discussing the Asian American . . . my own expense. Who’s with me?

Asian-Americans have a presumption of foreignness that can’t be explained by a focus on Black and white—the ongoing War on Terrorism only exacerbates this and makes Asians subject to violence
LUGAY 2005 (Arvin, J.D., University of California, Berkeley School of Law, Book Review: “In Defense of Internment”: Why Some Americans Are More “Equal” than Others, 12 Asian L.J. 209) At what point do the civil liberties protections . . . to deny such groups their civil rights protections.

Our strategy is not mutually exclusive with theirs. Rejecting competition of oppressions is a prerequisite to liberation.
Kim 98 (Elaine H. Kim, Professor of Ethnic Studies, University of California, Berkeley, “‘At least you’re not black’: Asian Americans in U.S. race relations.” http://maxweber.hunter.cuny.edu/pub/eres/SOC217_PIMENTEL/asians2.pdf

In a society held together by hierarchical arrangements . . . and differences to build bridges to one another.

There is no denying that blackness has a powerful effect, but their interpellation argument goes too far. There are modes of racialization that do not rely on the coding of blackness
Almaguer 94 (Tomás Almaguer, Professor of Ethnic Studies and former Dean of the College of Ethnic Studies at San Francisco State University, 1994, Racial Fault Lines: The Historical Origins of White Supremacy in California, pp. 206-207

This is not to deny that elements of . . . racial and ethnic relations in the Far West.

NO, blackness is not the fulcrum of white supremacy. This is an inaccurate and essentialist reading of both history and the present ALCOFF 6 (Linda Martín Alcoff, Prof of Philosophy at CUNY, Latinos, Asian Americans, and the Black‐White Binary, in Visible Identities: Race, Gender, and the Self, Oxford Scholarship Online) To say that racism has been modeled on . . . will support these claims further in what follows.

Erases native genocide, turns aff and relies on a projection of contemporary notions backwards in time which dramatically misunderstands the complexity of history Miller ‘12 (Joseph, T. Cary Johnson, Jr. Professor of History @ U. of Virginia, [According to Brad’s professor, the world’s foremost historian on global slaving], The Problem of Slavery as History, pp. 126-129) As it happened, nearly all of the . . . slaving to keep their hands in the game.

Nativism/Color K ALCOFF 6 (Linda Martín Alcoff, Prof of Philosophy at CUNY, Latinos, Asian Americans, and the Black‐White Binary, in Visible Identities: Race, Gender, and the Self, Oxford Scholarship Online) What makes all of these diverse examples of . . . , that is differentially distributed among various groups.

Hudson 13 (Political Studies Department, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg) 13 (Peter, Social Dynamics (2013): The state and the colonial unconscious, Social Dynamics: A journal of African studies, DOI: 10.1080/02533952.2013.802867) [BEGIN FOOTNOTE] My foil here is the ontological fatalism of . . . then, the closure of colonialism is absolute. [END FOOTNOTE] “Whiteness” as whiteness – the meaning . . . all identities are “white” under colonialism. Everyone is white in the colonial symbolic – . . . constitutive axis, its “ontological” differential.

I always get the shakes before a drop. . . Flores died on the way up.

This excerpt from Robert Heinlein’s novel Starship Troopers describes a human attack on the Skinnies, an alien species allied with humanity’s greatest enemies, the Arachnids. Just as American soldiers today rely on dazzling technological superiority over our impoverished, low-tech enemies, troopers wearing robotic power armor execute a raid—not quite a war, but a limited intervention, designed to show what humanity is capable of. Much like the United States intervention in Libya, this is only a small part of a much broader conflict, but the consequences are real. Johnny Rico, the hero of Starship Troopers, kills untold numbers of civilians in this scene with flamethrowers, grenades, and nuclear warheads. There is no remorse for the alien enemy, but Johnny won’t leave his wounded comrades behind. Enemy lives may be cheap, but the Mobile Infantry looks out for its own.

The soldiers of our Mobile Infantry are all volunteers, but in the society of Starship Troopers, citizenship is a privilege, not a right. No one can vote or participate in politics without first serving in combat. Heinlein’s novel has been criticized as thinly-veiled fascist propaganda, where the alien enemies are stand-ins for America’s Communist enemies in Asia. At the height of the Cold War, Heinlein seemed to be in favor of restricting democracy and giving up on the concept of equality.

There is another reading, however—interventions might happen in the world of Starship Troopers, but at least the decisions are made by the same people who bear the costs. In modern America, civilians get behind interventions like the war in Libya because they are isolated from the true sacrifices of war. A hyperreal culture of mass media distortion makes war seem clean, even humanitarian. Heinlein’s politics might be extreme, but the story of Starship Troopers provides a corrective to this armchair militarism, forcing us to rethink constant imperial interventions.
SIMMERS 2011 (Erich, PhD in English, U of Florida expected 2011, “The Importance of Starship Troopers Today: Reflecting on Bloom, Heinlein, and Libya,” Weaponized Culture, April 27, http://weaponizedculture.wordpress.com/2011/04/27/the-importance-of-starship-troopers/) Wading through Twitter this morning, I came . . . on the ground will pay the costs.

These interventions are not harmless. Heinlein’s space war and the casual use of nuclear weapons will be brought on by the confluence of hyperreal media saturation and cost-free militarism. The endless manufacture of new threats and new interventions can only end in extinction.
KROKER AND KROKER 2006 [Arthur Kroker is Canada Research Chair in Technology, Culture and Theory, Professor of Political Science, and Director of the Pacific Centre for Technology and Culture at the University of Victoria. Marilouise Kroker is Senior Research Scholar at the University of Victoria. Interview with William Wood published in “Culture, power, and history: studies in critical sociology”, Stephen J. Pfohl, ed., Google Books] Krokers: The theory of viral power was . . . , warfare in the darkness of space.

Our reading of Starship Troopers can challenge the ontological and epistemological certainty of world politics—this deployment of the story can be an ironic challenge to the anti-politics of militarism
WHITEHALL 2003 – Associate Professor, Political Science, Acadia University (Geoffrey, “The problem of the ‘world and beyond,’ in “To seek out new worlds: science fiction and world politics” ed. Weldes, Senior Lecturer, Bristol University. Palgrave Macmillan 2003, 179) Notwithstanding the dominance of this reading, Starship . . . world to a plurality of alternative interpretations.

Destroying the hyperreal fictions of the media-militarist society requires us to tell stories that are impossibly false—science fiction is a gift that the system can only receive by destroying itself
BOGARD 2004 (Bill Bogard, Professor of Sociology at Whitman University, “Hyperfacticity and Fatal Strategies,” Science Fiction Studies, Vol. 30, No. 2) A social science fiction is not some Utopia . . . of its own desire. Fatal strategy.

The aff’s act of imagination is a prerequisite to breaking down a hypermilitarized fascistic politics
Gray 94 (Chris Hables Gray is an Associate Professor of the Cultural Studies of Science and Technology and of Computer Science at the University of Great Falls, Nov., 1994, ‘”There Will Be War!“: Future War Fantasies and Militaristic Science Fiction in the 1980s’, Science Fiction Studies, Vol. 21, No. 3)

Envoi. As this article has tried to . . . world, how will we make one?

The point of our advocacy is to cultivate a more responsible model of democracy. Science fiction is critical to a functioning participatory democracy because it educates citizens about the crucial role of technology in modern politics
BRAKE AND THORNTON 2003 Principal Lecturer and Professor of Science Communication at the University of Glamorgan, AND teacher of Science and Science Fiction degree at the University of Glamorgan (“Science fiction in the classroom.” 2003 Phys. Educ. 38 31, Google Scholar)

Our intention in relation to teaching science has . . . suspicions about science in many public debates.

Creative engagement with political decisionmaking is critical to human survival
STANNARD 2006 (Matt, Department of Communication and Journalism, University of Wyoming, Spring 2006 Faculty Senate Speaker Series Speech, April 18, http://theunderview.blogspot.com/2006/04/deliberation-democracy-and-debate.html)

The complexity and interdependence of human society, . . . is one way to resist this colonization.

All politics is fictional – imagination is a central component of representation – our affirmative merely exposes this truth
FREEDMAN 2000 – Associate Professor of English at Louisiana State University (Carl, “Critical Theory and Science Fiction” Wesleyan University Press, University Press of London, 20-22) It is a priori likely that most texts . . . , and Star Wars on the other.

World politics is merely science fiction – our representations of reality exist as a cultural product inscribed as text
WELDES 2003 – Senior Lecturer, Bristol University; PhD (Minn) (Jutta, “Popular culture, science fiction, and world politics: exploring inter textual relations” in “To seek out new worlds: science fiction and world politics” ed. Weldes, Palgrave Macmillan 2003, 12-13) But this is at best a partial understanding . . . (2001: 132, emphasis added).

Cognitive estrangement is core to science fiction – we must be able to study a new world without endorsing it – that is crucial for all forms of politics and predictions
Booth et al. 9 (Charles Booth, Reader in Strategy and International Business at the University of the West of England, Bristol, Professor Michael Rowlinson, Professor of Organization Studies at Queen Mary, University of London, 2009, “Scenarios and counterfactuals as modal narratives”, Futures 41 (2009) 87–95)

In this final section of the paper we . . . ontological innocence, once and for all.

Fictional imagination is the beginning of true politics – it’s a heuristic device that subverts hegemonic discourse and mobilizes activism
Brincat 9 (Shannon Brincat, Department Member, Center of Excellence for Global Governance Research at the University of Helsinki, “Reclaiming the Utopian imaginary in IR theory”, Review of International Studies (2009), 35: 581-609)

Utopianism permeates our political thought as the store . . . a more critical, even transformative discipline.

This is the preferred site of resistance – only science fiction can engage in a holistic critique and forge a democratic alliance politics
Moylan 2k (Tom Moylan, Glucksman Professor of contemporary writing and Director of the Ralahine Centre for Utopian Studies, University of Limerick, 2000, “Scraps of the Untainted Sky: Science Fiction, Utopia, Dystopia”, pg. 187-190) Text altered to expand “sf” to “science fiction” for clarity

Writing within the realm of literary critique (. . . forging a radical alternative in its place.

From science fiction emerges overt political mobilization – textual resistance is a necessary condition for opposition
Moylan 2k (Tom Moylan, Glucksman Professor of contemporary writing and Director of the Ralahine Centre for Utopian Studies, University of Limerick, 2000, “Scraps of the Untainted Sky: Science Fiction, Utopia, Dystopia”, pg. 192-193)

Pointing to the self-reflexivity of the . . . lead toward a better, utopian future.

Science fiction hones our decisionmaking skills—no other medium can improve our abilities to make predictions as well as this one can
Huntington 1975 – teaches English at The University of Rhode Island and for the last five years has given a course on Science Fiction. (John, “Science Fiction and the Future.” College English, Vol. 37, No. 4 (Dec., 1975), JSTOR)

FROM THE VERY BEGINNING of modern SF, . . . but to reinter- pret its function.

Plan: The United States Federal Government should substantially increase statutory restrictions on the war powers authority of the President of the United States to introduce a voluntary United States Armed Forces into hostilities.

Current US power project only leads to imperialism. Only by questioning the role of the military can we solve global problems. Policy makers must take the initiative and reign in the military through logical cutdowns.
Cohen 9 (Michael A., senior research fellow at the New America Foundation, where he directs the Privatization of Foreign Policy Initiative, “Arms for the World: How the U.S. Military Shapes American Foreign Policy”, Dissent, Volume 56, Number 4, Fall 2009)

The increased prominence, public veneration, and . . . to start: it's the only place.

No impact to hegemonic decline – and it doesn’t solve trade
Preble 8/3/2010 (Christopher Preble, director of foreign policy studies at the Cato Institute, taught history at St. Cloud State University and Temple University, was a commissioned officer in the U.S. Navy, Ph.D. in history from Temple University. “U.S. Military Power: Preeminence for What Purpose?” 8/3/10) http://www.cato-at-liberty.org/u-s-military-power-preeminence-for-what-purpose/)

Most in Washington still embraces the notion that . . . in the security of their respective regions.

Asserting hegemony is a response to the evacuation of concrete political distinctions by political and economic globalization – an endless string of enemy creation, permanent development of the globe, and conversion of politics to policing. You may be right that hegemony isn’t collapsing, but it’s only because the affirmative’s politics dooms America to winning a permanent war of attrition
Galli ‘10 (Carlo, Professor of Political Philosophy @ U. of Bologna, Politics Spaces and Global War, trans. Adam Sitze, pp. 175-179)

Of course, even if there is no . . . , in an immediate and unthinking way.

Substantial is Considerable in importance, value, degree, amount, or extent American Heritage 2k

Framing argument: we have read a topical plan and affirmed it. Policy debate is always-already fiction, which solves all their offense and avoids their policymaking good args. RECOGNIZING this constitutive fact is necessary to activate political agency. They’re doing science fiction, but it doesn’t have to be shitty science fiction
McGee and Romanelli 2 POLICY DEBATE AS FICTION: IN DEFENSE OF UTOPIAN FIAT Brian McGee, Assistant Professor of Communication Studies at Texas Tech University and David Romanelli, PERSPECTIVES IN CONTROVERSY: Selected Essays from Contemporary Argumentation and Debate, KENNETH BRODA-BAHM, EDITOR

Few scholars would object to the mundane contention . . . at all” (Mumford 24-25).

The INTERSECTION is crucial – viewing public policy through the lens of SCIENCE FICTION is a unique and necessary means facilitate social transformation
Miller and Bennett 8 http://archive.cspo.org/documents/article_MillerBennett2008.pdf Clark A Miller and Ira Bennett work at the Consortium for Science, Policy and Outcomes, Arizona State University, PO Box 875603, Tempe, AZ 85287-5603, USA. Email: clark.miller@ asu.edu and ira.bennett@asu.edu. Tel: 480-727-8787. The authors would like to th ank Nicole Nelson and Science and Public Policy , 35(8), October 2008, pages 597–606 DOI: 10.3152/030234208×370666; http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/beech/sp

Integration of science fiction into technology assessment Over . . . techniques built on the strengths of science fiction.

Their limits bad – only opening up different modes of thought experiment can resist technocracy
Miller and Bennett 8 http://archive.cspo.org/documents/article_MillerBennett2008.pdf Clark A Miller and Ira Bennett work at the Consortium for Science, Policy and Outcomes, Arizona State University, PO Box 875603, Tempe, AZ 85287-5603, USA. Email: clark.miller@ asu.edu and ira.bennett@asu.edu. Tel: 480-727-8787. The authors would like to th ank Nicole Nelson and Science and Public Policy , 35(8), October 2008, pages 597–606 DOI: 10.3152/030234208×370666; http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/beech/sp

Peterson’s lecture prompted us to write this article. . . mutually constitutive relations of social and technological change.

Before the law sits a gatekeeper. To . . . I’m going now to close it.”
[“Before the Law”, Franz Kafka, https://records.viu.ca/~Johnstoi/kafka/beforethelaw.htm]

§ 1021(b)(2) of the 2012 NDAA provisions constitute a chilling-effect on protected speech – oral testimony in Hedges v. Obama has established the plaintiffs’ reasonably objective fears of indefinite detention
Mayer 13 (Carl Mayer, principal of Mayer Law Group LLC, former professor of law at Hofstra University, magna cum laude graduate of Princeton University and holds a J.D. degree from the University of Chicago Law School and an L.L.M. degree from Harvard Law School. December 16, 2013. “On Petition for a Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit” 2013 WL 6827747, WestLaw)

A military order, however unconstitutional, is . . . over U.S. civilians will be upended

The section is facially overbroad – the vagueness of the “substantial support” standard for determining legality of detention encompasses virtually all First Amendment expressive and associative rights
Mayer 12 (Carl Mayer, principal of Mayer Law Group LLC, former professor of law at Hofstra University, magna cum laude graduate of Princeton University and holds a J.D. degree from the University of Chicago Law School and an L.L.M. degree from Harvard Law School. December 10, 2012. “Brief for Plaintiffs-Appellees” 2012 WL 6218811 (C.A.2) (Appellate Brief) Westlaw

*29 B. First Amendment standing principles . . . at 4, 5, 16-29.

There is no interpretive value to the “substantial support” requirement – its definitional elasticity forces the court to decide on an ad-hoc basis
Horowitz 13 (Colby P. Horowitz, J.D. Candidate, 2014, Fordham University School of Law. Captain, U.S. Army, April, 2013, “SYMPOSIUM: THE GOALS OF ANTITRUST: NOTE: CREATING A MORE MEANINGFUL DETENTION STATUTE: LESSONS LEARNED FROM HEDGES V. OBAMA”, Fordham Law Review 81 Fordham L. Rev. 2853 “Substantial Support” As a Basis for Detention

Section 1021(b)(2) of . . . and support to vague affiliation and cheerleading.” n231

[Horowitz continues . . .]

2. Abandoning “Substantial Support” The . . . those who only provide support to terrorist organizations.

The weight of jurisprudential doctrine establishes that in First Amendment challenges, injury validation requirements for standing should be relaxed to include chilling effects and fear-based voluntary restrictions on protected communications
Mayer 12 (Carl Mayer, principal of Mayer Law Group LLC, former professor of law at Hofstra University, magna cum laude graduate of Princeton University and holds a J.D. degree from the University of Chicago Law School and an L.L.M. degree from Harvard Law School. December 10, 2012. “Brief for Plaintiffs-Appellees” 2012 WL 6218811 (C.A.2) (Appellate Brief) Westlaw

Where a facial challenge is based upon First . . . ring hollow and are specious at best.

The role of the ballot is to determine whether the plan was a legally correct statement.

Education about positive legal analysis must come first – it creates the foundation for normative inquiry. Combining policy and legal considerations backslides into intractable value disputes
Epstein 85 (Richard A. Epstein, James Parker Hall Distinguished Service Professor Emeritus of Law and Senior Lecturer at the University of Chicago Law School. The Laurence A. Tisch Professor of Law, New York University School of Law, The Peter and Kirsten Bedford Senior Fellow, The Hoover Institution, and a senior lecturer at the University of Chicago, 1985, “Positive and Normative Elements in Legal Education”, Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy, 8 Harv. J. L. & Pub. Pol'y 255 1985

Legal education is a very broad subject, . . . normative choices from a narrower set of possibilities.

This is especially true on the war powers topic. Despite its supposed nature as a “legal topic,” we’ve learned virtually nothing about the law. Understanding legal reasoning is a prerequisite to debating the President’s war powers authority.
Corn 98 (Geoffrey S. Corn, professor in the International and Operational Law Department, The Judge Advocate General’s School, 1998, “PRESIDENTIAL WAR POWER: DO THE COURTS OFFER ANY ANSWERS?” 157 Mil. L. Rev. 180 (1998)

Few government decisions have greater impact on the . . . future political debate surrounding the use of force.

Legal reasoning is uniquely valuable education –
Schauer 9 (Frederick Schauer is David and Mary Harrison Distinguished Professor of Law at the University of Virginia. He is also Frank Stanton Professor of the First Amendment, Emeritus, at the Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, where he taught from 1990 to 2008, served as academic dean and acting dean, and also taught courses on evidence and freedom of speech at the Harvard Law School. In 2007-2008, he was the Eastman Professor at Oxford University and a fellow of Balliol College. Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and former holder of a Guggenheim Fellowship, 2009, Thinking Like a Lawyer: A New Introduction to Legal Reasoning, pub. Harvard University Press, pp. 1-10

Law schools the world over claim to instruct . . . its decision-makers to do.16

Specifically, legal education facilitates analogical reasoning
Priel 8 (Danny Priel, Oscar M. Ruebhausen Fellow at Yale Law School, Assistant Professor, University of Warwick School of Law, citing Lloyd Weinreb, Professor at Harvard Law School, “THINKING LIKE A LAWYER,” http://ssrn.com/abstract=1096170

“You come in here with a skull . . . unless we understand how reasoning by analogy works.

Analogical reasoning is the best heuristic for developing moral convictions and making decisions in a time-constrained, pluralistic society
Sunstein 93 (Cass Sunstein, Robert Walmsley University Professor and Felix Frankfurter Professor of Law at Harvard Law School. “On Analogical Reasoning” Harvard Law Review, Vol. 106, No. 3 (Jan., 1993), pp. 741-791

Analogical reasoning is the conventional method of the . . . deciding whether to change them through law.

Plan: The United States federal judiciary should permanently enjoin enforcement of section 1021(b)(2) of the National Defense Authorization Act for the Fiscal Year 2012 on the grounds that it is facially overbroad.